• The western world awoke from the nightmare of the Second World War with an absolute understanding of right and wrong, good and evil. It enshrined this truth in the UN Declaration on Human Rights. The whole world signed on except the Soviets, the Saudis, the South Africans, and the science of anthropology. They all argued the West had no right to impose its values on other cultures. Seventy years on, writes Philip Carl Salzman, our human rights ideals have largely succumbed to that argument.

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  • Pierre Trudeau despised ethnic nationalism. He was contemptuous of its expression in Quebec’s separatist movement. And when the Aboriginal political leaders of his time demanded racially-segregated self-government, as prime minister he told them Canada would not let them have it without a serious – and perhaps bloody – fight. His son, current Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, holds very different views. His government is promising “nation-to-nation” negotiations to formalize race-based Aboriginal self-government. On this issue, writes Robert MacBain, the apple has fallen a long way from the tree.

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  • People around the world were riveted by the pathetic story of Charlie Gard, the genetically cursed 11-month-old at the centre of a legal fight for his life between his parents and the British healthcare system. For many, it was a case of justifiable infanticide. But for McGill University biomedical ethics student Sarah Beattie, it was a chilling glimpse of what’s in the coldly utilitarian hearts of many cutting edge thinkers in her field.

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  • Unhinged by the mayhem of the Trump White House, many in the American media are looking north for salvation. One example was the fawning, error-riddled Rolling Stone cover story lusting for Justin Trudeau to lead the U.S. Another was the Atlantic Monthly hiring Canadian writer Jonathan Kay to plead for higher taxes to rescue America from its economic and socio-political decline. Mark Milke agrees the U.S. is in trouble, but argues the Canadian cure is worse than the American disease.

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  • Prime Minister Justin Trudeau tried to hang the Omar Khadr payoff on Stephen Harper, which roused a feisty counterattack from Canada’s most reclusive ex-PM. But Harper’s legacy won’t be defined by whatever he did or didn’t do to a confessed terrorist. Instead, writes Ben Woodfinden, it will be defined by what he did to unite Canada’s Conservative party and movement, build its institutional foundations, and make it permanently competitive for power.

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  • Alberta NDP Premier Rachel Notley has little hope of winning the next provincial election unless voters buy her counterintuitive argument that her government’s onerous carbon taxes and emission regulations are creating a more sustainable petroleum industry. It’s a very hard sell amid collapsing capital investment, rising public deficits and debt, high unemployment, and empty Calgary office towers. To prove her point, Notley desperately needs the Kinder Morgan oilsands pipeline expansion to proceed. But it’s opposed by her old comrade John Horgan, now Premier of British Columbia’s minority NDP-Green coalition government. It is between this rock and hard place, writes Paul Stanway, that Notley is likely to be entombed.

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  • North Korea has just successfully tested an intercontinental ballistic missile capable of carrying its nuclear warheads to North America. If that’s not enough to give you nightmares, here’s more: Kim Jong Un’s nukes could be used as electromagnetic pulse weapons which could take out the energy infrastructure that powers all our electronic technologies. The impacts would be potentially fatal for millions. SunMedia columnist Anthony Furey details this dangerously underestimated threat in a new book, reviewed for C2C by Shal Marriott.

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  • This year’s defeat of populist-nationalist parties in elections in France and Holland, and their apparent political setbacks elsewhere, has been hailed as evidence that the recent surge of far right movements has ended. But the things that fuelled it – terrorism, refugee migration, working class anxieties – haven’t gone away. And in Donald Trump’s America, many countries in Europe, and even parts of Canada, populist-nationalism remains a potent and growing political force, especially among young people. It would be a mistake to dismiss it, writes Patrick Speck.

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